Wednesday, January 29, 2020

`The Next Los..` by Robert Gottlieb, Mark Vallianatos, Regina M. Free

`The Next Los..` by Robert Gottlieb, Mark Vallianatos, Regina M. Freer, and Peter Dreier Essay Housing and community development advocates in Los Angeles adopted a different approach in the late 1990s. They joined a broad-based coalition in the difficult process of hammering out a multi-issue progressive agenda, and then they worked together to pursue not just housing goals but an array of policy recommendations related to parks and open space, transportation, labor and race relations, and other concerns not typically tackled by people focused on affordable housing. And their approach appeared to work: L.A. subsequently created the nation’s largest municipal affordable housing trust fund and redrew its zoning ordinance to allow multifamily apartments above retail space on the broad boulevards crisscrossing the city. Robert Gottlieb, Mark Vallianatos, Regina M. Freer and Peter Dreier chart the growth and impact of this coalition in their enlightening recent book, The Next Los Angeles: The Struggle for a Livable City. The authors, scholar-activists from Occidental College’s Urban and Environmental Policy Institute, were at the center of the largely successful attempt to bring together a disparate array of activists and organizations in a new civic left. At its most lively, this book provides an intelligent insider’s account of the construction of Progressive Los Angeles Network, or PLAN, and the emergence of a powerful labor-Latino bloc that provides progressive L.A. with much of its heart and soul. But the book offers readers more, including details of a grassroots-driven progressive agenda and a revealing social and political history. This history, including the collapse of the old civic elite, the failure of top-down agenda setting during the 1990s and the collapse of heavy industry, set the stage for a progressive revival in the late 1990s. The authors identify several key actors in this drama, notably Jackie Goldberg, a former city council member and current state legislator, who worked tirelessly to pull together â€Å"various (and sometimes conflicting) strands of the progressive community.† But central to the narrative and to the birth of a muscular progressive movement was the overlapping emergence of a newly militant and Latino-led countywide labor movement with the early achievements of a new generation of Latino political leaders. Aided by longtime Los Angeles political journalist Harold Meyerson (a contributor to one chapter), the authors tell this story well, highlighting the growing importance of service unions to the local labor movement; the bold leadership of Miguel Contreras, head of the county labor federation until his death earlier this year; and the entry of left-wing activists, including former labor organizers Gil Cedillo and Antonio Villaraigosa, into electoral politics. The authors don’t shy away from discussing problems and challenges tied to the centrality of the labor-Latino alliance. They discuss, for example, the chasm between older African American leaders (such as Rep. Maxine Waters) and the new progressive movement, and the continuing battles between nationalists and progressives for leadership in the Latino community. But they are optimistic that alliance-oriented progressive politics can triumph over racial or ethnic nationalism in black and Latino politics. Unfortunately, the authors wrote before this year’s mayoral election provided the municipal left with a new set of challenges and opportunities. In a reversal of the 2001 outcome, Villaraigosa defeated James Hahn, a mainstream Democrat, in a runoff election. Villaraigosa, a long-time champion of the disadvantaged, won in part by building bridges to elements of the black leadership and parts of the white community that had opposed him before. The organized progressive coalition, however, split with the county federation of labor and some activists backing Hahn this time around. The incumbent, a mediocre mayor at best, had delivered on key promises to the union movement, and Contreras and his allies returned the favor. They could not, however, deliver the votes, as large numbers of unionists stuck by Villaraigosa. How effectively the progressive alliance regroups will likely have a major impact on what Villaraigosa is able to accomplish as mayor, and it would be useful to be able to consider the authors’ perspective on these recent developments. Instead, Villaraigosa’s original high-profile bid for mayor provides a centerpiece to the book. The 2001 election drew attention to the growing capacity of Los Angeles’s municipal left. Running with the support of the county federation of labor (Contreras engineered the endorsement by the narrowest of margins); the big janitors, healthcare workers and hotel employees unions; and an array of community organizations, the former speaker of the state Assembly helped shift the city’s policy debate to the left and in favor of previously marginalized populations. After Villaraigosa’s defeat, the city’s progressive movement focused on pursuit of its agenda, moving the city to create the trust fund to finance affordable housing development and to tie approval for major development projects – for example, Phase II of the Staples Center project – to concessions on community benefits such as affordable housing, living-wage jobs, parks and other public amenities. They also joined with the mayor and several of his union supporters in leading the campaign against San Fernando Valley and Hollywood secession. Ironically, these very successes would provide the reason for labor and some other members of the coalition to back Hahn in 2005. L.A.’s progressives continued to work together in the wake of defeat because of a networking effort spearheaded by the authors’ Urban and Environmental Policy Institute, a role they downplay here. Acting as a secretariat, the institute helped pull together PLAN, a coalition of labor unions, community groups, environmentalists, clergy, academics and others to meet the challenge of drafting a collective vision for the city’s future. Reflecting on history, the authors write: â€Å"The growth of these movements created a critical mass of activism and support for a new progressive politics in Los Angeles. Missing, however, were the links between the different movements necessary to develop a broader, integrated perspective regarding the policy changes needed to make the region more livable and democratic.† PLAN largely succeeded in crafting a detailed agenda that addresses a range of housing, environmental, transportation and land use, labor, political and economic development issues, and in building a sense of commonality that had been missing in the progressive circles of Los Angeles. PLAN’s institutional future is uncertain, but its impact can still be felt. Last year, for example, many of the groups that were involved in creating PLAN’s agenda worked together to defeat a ballot measure in the overwhelmingly black and Latino L.A. County city of Inglewood that would have exempted a Wal-Mart anchored retail development from established planning and regulatory processes. The Inglewood campaign showed maturing of the progressive coalition in the aftermath of the 2001 election. Most important, it demonstrated the ability of African-American and Latino leaders and activists to bond together on an issue of common concern despite tensions in the recent past. Campaigns such as this suggest that a common agenda and shared vision will, in the end, prove more important to LA’s progressives than short-term electoral differences. Despite the current challenges, Los Angeles offers a strategy for building and institutionalizing a civic left, one that housing advocates and other progressives can learn from, and The Next Los Angeles provides a good starting point for any serious student of forward-looking municipal politics. Los Angeless history is a story of conflicting visions. Most historians, journalists, and filmmakers have focused on L.A. as a bastion of corporate greed, business boosterism, political corruption, cheap labor, exploited immigrants, and unregulated sprawl. The Next Los Angeles tells a different story: that of the reformers and radicals who have struggled for alternative visions of social and economic justice. The authors chronicle efforts of progressive social movements that worked throughout the twentieth century to create a more livable, just, and democratic Los Angeles. These movementswhat the authors call Progressive L.A.have produced a new kind of labor movement, community-oriented environmentalism, and multi-ethnic coalition politics. This book shows how reformers have fought to transform a city characterized by huge economic disparities, concrete-encased rivers, and an endless landscape of subdivisions, freeways, and malls into a progressive model for regions around the country. The Next Los Angeles includes a decade-by-decade historical snapshot of the citys progressive social movements and an in-depth exploration of key trends that are remaking L.A. at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It examines L.A.s changing political landscape, including grassroots initiatives to construct a new agenda for social transformation. At once a history, a policy analysis, and a road map for a progressive future, this book provides an exciting portrayal of a city on the cutting edge of many of the social, economic, and environmental changes sweeping across America. At its most lively, this book provides an intelligent insiders account of the construction of Progressive Los Angeles Network, or PLAN, and the emergence of a powerful labor-Latino bloc that provides progressive L.A. with much of its heart and soul. But the book offers readers more, including details of a grassroots-driving progressive agenda and a revealing social and political history. . . .The authors dont shy away from discussing problems and challenges . . . .A good starting point for any serious student of forward-looking municipal politics.James Goodno, San Francisco Chronicle   Far and away the best single book for understanding the politics of Los Angeles. In light of that citys statewide influence, it is also a must read for those interested in the future of state politics. The books inspiring accounts of grassroots victories is perfect for getting activists in an upbeat mindset for the start of a new year. And that is something we all need.Randy Shaw, Beyondchron.org With this rich account of its community and labor struggles, the city of angelsand apocalypsebecomes the city of hope.Barbara Ehrenreich, author of Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America   This wonderful book, with its evocations of LAs alternative histories, and its bold templates for social and environmental justice, is proof that the American Left is alive and well, especially in Southern California.Mike Davis, author of Dead Cities   A rare book combining history, analysis, strategy and a platform and it may well be carried out in this decade.Tom Hayden, former State Senator, Los Angeles The authors: Robert Gottlieb is Henry R. Luce Professor of Urban and Environmental Policy and Director of the Urban and Environmental Policy Institute at Occidental College. Mark Vallianatos is Research Coordinator at the Urban and Environmental Policy Institute at Occidental College. Regina M. Freer is Associate Professor of Politics at Occidental College. Peter Dreier is E. P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics and Director of the Urban and Environmental Policy Program at Occidental College. With this rich account of its community and labor struggles, the city of angelsand apocalypsebecomes the city of hope.Barbara Ehrenreich, author of Nickel and Dimed This wonderful book is proof that the American Left is alive and well, especially in Southern California.Mike Davis, author of Dead Cities An intelligent insiders account of the construction of the Progressive Los Angeles Network, or PLAN, and the emergence of a powerful labor-Latino bloc that provides progressive L.A. with much of its heart and soul. A good starting point for any serious student of forward-looking municipal politics.James Goodno, San Francisco Chronicle Far and away the best single book for understanding the politics of Los Angeles.Randy Shaw, Beyondchron.org While most historians, journalists, and filmmakers have focused on Los Angeles as a bastion of corporate greed, business boosterism, political corruption, cheap labor, exploited immigrants, and unregulated sprawl, The Next Los Angeles tells a different story: that of the reformers and radicals who have struggled for alternative visions of social and economic justice. In a new preface, the authors reflect on the gathering momentum of L.A.s progressive movement, including the 2005 landslide victory of Antonio Villaraigosa as mayor. Robert Gottlieb is Henry R. Luce Professor of Urban and Environmental Policy and Director of the Urban and Environmental Policy Institute at Occidental College. Mark Vallianatos is Research Coordinator at the Urban and Environmental Policy Institute at Occidental College. Regina M. Freer is Associate Professor of Politics at Occidental College. Peter Dreier is E. P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics and Director of the Urban and Environmental Policy Program at Occidental College. Works Cited. `The Next Los Angeles` by Robert Gottlieb, Mark Vallianatos, Regina M. Freer, and Peter Dreier

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

Essay --

Paul Jobs was raised in Germantown, Wisconsin and became a Coast Guard in World War II. He made a bet with his friends that he would be able to find a wife within two weeks. He met Clara Hagopian, who was born in New Jersey after her parents fled the Turks in Armenia, and the couple was engaged within ten days. Clara realized that she could not have children, so the married couple looked at adoption (Issacson 28-29). Joanna Schieble was a graduate student at the University of Wisconsin. She lived within a strict household where her father was extremely strict about dating. When Joanna met Abdulfattah Jandali, a Muslim teaching assistant from Syria, her father threatened to disown her. She went with Abdulfattah to Syria and two months later when they returned, found out she was pregnant. Keeping the baby and abortion were not options the couple considered. When Joanna found out the adoptive couple were Paul and Clara Jobs, she made them promise that they would keep a college fund fo r the baby. Steve Jobs was born on February 24th, 1955. After some reluctance, Joanna signed the adoption papers and gave Steve Jobs to his new parents (Issacson 30-31). Steve Jobs knew from a young age that he was adopted. Many of his close friends believe that the awareness that he was given up as a baby made him into the independent person he grew up to be (Issacson 32). Jobs has said that he knows people say that the reason why he has worked so hard was because he wanted his biological parents to want him back, but Steve said that is not true. (Issacson 33). Steve’s father is the person that introduced Steve to technology. Paul worked on cars often, and although Steve did not like to get his hands dirty, he loved doing whatever he could to help h... ...nd Swainey). The students at this school probably have no idea who Steve Jobs is, but he caused their school to be picked as one of the most advanced in technology because of Jobs. Amy Heimerl is a teachers that works at Park Avenue Elementary School in Auburn, Maine. She works in a school district that encompasses iPads in the classroom. Her class consists of 22 students. She formed an individual learning experience for each student by putting the same library of applications on each student’s iPad and then moved certain applications to each student’s folder. The students have easy access to learning materials that help them progress faster. The iPad stimulated students to think individually and they were more apt to share what they learned with others (â€Å"See Inspiration†). Steve Jobs has changed the way the world uses technology in everyday life.

Monday, January 13, 2020

Lord of the Flies Literary Analysis Essay Essay

After analyzing the characters in William Golding’s novel, Lord of the Flies, one can recognize that many of the characters embody the theme of the novel. One of the prominent themes in Lord of the Flies is man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others, and Golding manages explore and capture this theme in a way that is enjoyable to read. Three characters in the book who truly illustrate the theme of man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others are Jack, Ralph, and Simon. The theme of the novel, man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others is most apparent in Jack Merridew’s character. Our first true glimpse into Jack’s inner monster occurs after he kills his first pig: His mind was crowded with memories; memories of the knowledge that had come to them when they closed in on the struggling pig, knowledge that they had outwitted a living thing, imposed their will upon it, taken away its life like a long satisfying drink (Golding, 81). Jack’s excitement stems from having â€Å"outwitted† a living thing, and having â€Å"imposed† his will on it, which he later does with Simon, and Piggy. Jack really has no reason for killing showing that, â€Å"Perhaps the most disturbing motives for killing is just for the thrill of it.† (Ramsland, 3). Throughout the book, Jack is driven by his thirst for power, and is willing to go to any lengths to get what he wants, which includes killing anybody that steps in his way. He  slowly begins to lose his conscience, as shown by the fact that he feels no remorse, guilt, or regret after participating in the brutal murders of both Simon, and Piggy. The fact that Jack could turn from a proper, E nglish boy to a murderer who can kill and feel no remorse, shows that Jack does harbour a monster inside of him, is a savage, and he is very capable of being inhumane to others, thus, illustrating the theme of the novel. Read Also:  Analytical Essay Topics for College Another character who briefly illustrates the theme of the novel is Ralph. Ralph shouldered the responsibility of rescuing all the boys, proving him to be the leader that the boys on the island needed, but even then, Ralph senses himself falling into the same savagery as the other boys at times during the book. On the hunt that Ralph participates in, Ralph’s inner savage has one of its only opportunities to reveal itself, â€Å"Ralph too was fighting to get near, to get a handful of that brown, vulnerable flesh. The desire to squeeze and hurt was over-mastering† (Golding, 164). This hunt proved that even Ralph, the sensible, responsible, and intellectual leader who represented the struggle for order, civilization, and democracy on the island, has an inner savage, just waiting to get out. Near the end of the book, Ralph was close to falling victim to the other boy’s savagery as they were chasing him through the island, ready to kill him. He trips and falls at the feet of an officer, and begins to cry, â€Å"Ralph wept for the end of innocence, the darkness of man’s heart, and the fall through the air of a true, wise friend called Piggy† (Golding, 290). Ralph cries for all that he has lost, and at that moment, he realizes that he will never be the same since he has learned about the evil that lurks within all humans, illustrating the theme of man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others. Man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others is first recognized by the character, Simon, in the novel, Lord of the Flies. When the boys discuss the possibility of there being a beast on the island, Simon steps forward and says, â€Å"Maybe it’s only us.† (Golding, 126) implying that it was the boys themselves who were the â€Å"beast†, capable of hurting, of killing, and of committing other acts of evil. This theme is explored prior to the killing of Simon, the other boys chant, â€Å"Kill the beast! Cut his throat! Spill his blood! Do him in!† (Golding, 219) and when Simon is being murdered, Golding  describes it in brutal detail to emphasize the inhumanity shown by the other boys, and to show how savage they have become: The sticks fell and the mouth of the new circle crunched and screamed. The beast was on its knees in the center, its arms folded over its face. It was crying out against the abominable noise something about a body on the hill. The beast struggled forward, broke the ring and fell over the steep edge of the rock to the sand by the water. At once the crowd surged after it, poured down the rock, leapt on to the beast, screamed, struck, bit, tore. There were no words, and no movements but the tearing of teeth and claws (Golding, 219). On the island, Simon was the only character to represent hope, and innocence, but in the end, he was a direct result of the other boy’s savagery, and inhumanity. His death signified the end of innocence, and goodness on the island. In William Golding’s book, Lord of the Flies, the theme of man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others is explored in many ways, one of them being through the characters Jack, Ralph, and Simon. Jack embodies this theme the most, since he is the first to turn savage, and impose his will on the other boys. Ralph comes close to becoming a savage at times throughout the book, and Simon is one of the only characters who manages to keep his innocence, but is a direct result of the savagery shown by the other boys on the island in the end. William Golding managed to explore and capture the theme of man’s inner savage; man’s inhumanity to others perfectly in his book, Lord of the Flies in a way that is enjoyable for all to read. Works Cited Golding, William. Lord of the flies. New York: Coward-McCann, 1962. Print. Ramsland, Katherine. â€Å"The Unthinkable — Children Who Kill and What Motivates Them† Retrieved December 2, 2012, from http://www.trutv.com/library/crime/serial_killers/weird/kids2/index_1.html

Sunday, January 5, 2020

The Application Of Ethical Theories Essay - 1443 Words

PASS THE INSPECTION: THE APPLICATION OF ETHICAL THEORIES TO AN ETHICAL DILEMA Discussion with Senior Enlisted Leader This is an instance of senior enlisted, who you should be able to trust, giving you bad advice. When the situation is hypothetical and not a pressing issue, it is easy to see that it would be wrong to allow the Chief to sign off on the maintenance checks. But in the moment, there are good reasons to have the checks signed off. Having the maintenance appear to be complete makes your division look good and helps make their lives easier. The Chief that is telling you that this is ok has been in the Navy for much longer than you have, and he has much more experience. But if you allow your Chief to sign off on the maintenance report this time, you set a precedence for future instances. It’s a slippery slope once you start down it. Additionally, this violates several of Aristotle’s virtues from Virtue Theory, such as courage and honesty. Altogether, it is clear that it might be difficult, but letting your Chief sign off would not be the right thing to do. Three Competing Tensions This situation is very complex, and there are several factors influencing the decision. There are three competing tensions and loyalties. First, there is loyalty to mission to pass an important command inspection, which failing would be a disservice to your ship. Secondly, there is a loyalty to trust your chief and sailors to do their job and the future relationships; if you don’t trustShow MoreRelatedApplication of Ethical Theories12285 Words   |  50 PagesThe role of ethical theories in ethical reasoning and behavior within organizations - Research proposal Sigalit Pasternak, Phd student The Faculty of Management Tel Aviv University Supervisor: Dr. Ishak Saporta Introduction Business ethics is a specialized branch of ethics focusing on how moral standards apply to business organizations and behavior (Velasques, 1998). 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